What new insights related to Christian Zionism have been produced by scholarship over the past 16 years? This is Part II of a re-evaluation of my thesis (Hornstra 2007). Part I looked at three points that I feel have been confirmed. Here, I discuss new developments.

I started working on this content a year ago. I have not changed anything based on recent events in Israel and Gaza. It is a study of Christian Zionism, not a statement about Israel. Both parts together are available in PDF for further use or distribution. You can also watch this content as a VIDEO PODCAST

1. Early Activists

In my thesis, I had Christian Zionism begin, for the most part, only in the 1970s.

Not without reason: Christians who wrote and spoke of Israel earlier remained strangely passive. They confined themselves to commentary and eschatological speculation: How did all this fit into the predictions of the biblical prophets and into the end-time scenarios? Apart from missionary outreach to Jews, there was rarely any active involvement.

An important part of my thesis was an evaluation of the popular literature on the subject, based on about 400 books in German on the topics of the end times and Israel. Three graphics.

The first graph shows the development in the number of newly published books 1945-2004, in time blocks of five years, divided according to the nationality of the author. Apart from a dent in the mid-eighties, the number steadily rises.

The second graph shows the development in the number of newly published books, also in blocks of five years. Here, they are divided by topic and emphasis, distinguishing end-time (ee, ei) and Israel (ie, ii) books. Beginning around 1990, it shows a clear shift in emphasis to Israel.

The third graph uses the same data but shows the four categories as a percentage, making the pronounced shift in emphasis more visible.

The formation of organizations shows a similar picture. With a few exceptions, organizations dedicated to supporting Israel did not emerge until 1980. During the 50s and 60s, there were hardly any organizational, political, or other initiatives among evangelicals that tried to actively support Israel. A turnaround did not begin until the 1970s.

John Walvoord, a leading American dispensationalist, wrote in 1963 “I am not aware of any dispensationalists actively supporting the Zionist movement as a political movement” (quoted in Malachy 1978: 114).

Why the turnaround? Why did it take so long for active support to develop? And what was the trigger?

There are several factors, but most important were events in the Middle East, especially in 1967 and 1973; they were the real trigger. For many, the Six-Day War in 1967 was unequivocal proof that God was on Israel’s side. A miracle. The Jews had survived 2,000 years of exile and persecution. Adolf Hitler had tried to wipe them out. Against all odds, it was precisely after this attempt at extermination that the Jews succeeded in founding their state – like the phoenix rising from the ashes. Then, when a second Holocaust loomed, this time at the hands of Arab aggressors, they crushed all their enemies in less than a week, taking possession of almost all the land God had promised Abraham, including Jerusalem. After this unexpected turnaround, the question was obvious: Was this salvation an act of God?

To many evangelicals, the answer was equally obvious: Yes! Any scepticism due to the secular, non-religious character of Zionism was now put to rest. After 1967, a theoretical end-time expectation that had been developed by Puritans, Pietists, and Dispensationalists, among others, became more and more associated with a phenomenon of the present. Reflections on a theoretical country of the future, beyond the Second Coming, increasingly gave way to interest in a state on this side of the end of the world. Different from the Israel in the Bible and the Israel of the future, this Israel could be touched! The dramatic events of those six days, plus their interpretation as history of salvation, made this reassessment of Israel possible.

Then came the Yom Kippur War of 1973. It made clear that God’s miracle was not secure but threatened. In addition, there were the rise of the PLO, the Palestinian terrorism of the 1970s, the threat of an oil embargo, the adoption by the United Nations of a resolution equating Zionism with racism, the rise of anti-Zionism on the radical left, and the increasing criticism of Israel from the World Council of Churches, liberal churches, and the media. At the same time, German foreign policy sought to move closer to the Arabs.

Based on this list, one can understand the perception, whether right or wrong, that the whole world was turning against Israel and that Israel was being treated terribly unfairly by the world community. Under these circumstances, it was impossible for evangelicals to stand idly by. And so, through Israel’s success and Israel’s peril, the Christian Zionist movement came into being – in the name of justice, and because the completion of world history was at stake in the spiritual battle for Israel.

So far so good. Daniel Hummel (2019) describes a similar development due to events in the Middle East, as does Lewis (2021). But what I overlooked, or at least underestimated, are the Christian Zionists of the more distant past – and I now think one can certainly use this term in the 19^th century in Great Britain and to a lesser extent in America – see Lewis (2021: 92-117).

For example, the American William E. Blackstone (1841-1935). From the Wikipedia entry “William E. Blackstone” (2023):

He initially focused on the restoration of the Jews to the Holy Land as a prelude to their conversion to Christianity, out of a pious wish to hasten the coming of the Messiah; but he increasingly became concerned with the deadly, Russian, government-instigated pogroms and believed that it was necessary to create a Jewish homeland in Israel. He was, furthermore, persuaded that neither the European nations nor the United States would accept as many Jews as needed to escape from Europe.

Blackstone and his daughter traveled to the Holy Land in 1888. He returned convinced that a return of the Jewish people to its ancient homeland was the only possible solution to the persecution Jews suffered elsewhere. On November 24-25, 1890, Blackstone organized the Conference on the Past, Present and Future of Israel at the First Methodist Episcopal Church in Chicago where participants included leaders of both Jewish and Christian communities, albeit not leaders of the Reform movement.

The conference issued a call urging the great powers, including the Ottoman Empire, to return Israel to the Jews.

In other words, an essential trigger for William Blackstone’s involvement was the pogroms in Russia.

The conference decided to initiate a petition, which Blackstone implemented and published in 1891. It is known as the Blackstone Memorial, a call for American support for the restoration of Israel.

The memorial was signed by 413 prominent Christian and a few Jewish leaders in the United States. Blackstone personally gathered the signatures of men such as John D. Rockefeller, J.P. Morgan, Cyrus McCormick, senators, congressmen, religious leaders of all denominations, newspaper editors, the Chief Justice of the U.S. Supreme Court and others. (Ibid.)

This is before Theodor Herzl published The Jewish State (1896) and before the first Zionist Congress in 1897.

Blackstone was a dispensationalist. Most of the signatories were not. And Blackstone’s motivation was certainly not just his dispensationalist end-time expectation.

Later, in 1916, the memorial was put forward a second time, at the insistence of American Jews, this time only privately – directly to President Wilson. 1916. It was instrumental in enabling the British to issue the Balfour Declaration: The American government was persuaded against resistance, perhaps even in favour of quiet support.

The roots go further back. Robert Smith describes a petition by Johanna Cartenright and Ebenezer Cartwright, at a council of war in January 1649: England and the Netherlands were to bring Israelites to the promised land, which would bring God’s blessing to the nation:

That it presses this Judeo-centric tradition [of Restorationism] into political service makes it the first example of Christian Zionism, understood as political action, informed by specifically Christian commitments, to promote or preserve Jewish control over the geographic area now comprising Israel and Palestine. (Smith 2013: 96)

Anthony Ashley-Cooper, 7^th Earl of Shaftesbury (1801-1885), advocated that Great Britain should support a Jewish return to Palestine. In 1838, also through his influence, a British consul was sent to Jerusalem; in 1841, a Jerusalem diocese with a bishop was founded, initially together with Prussia.

Soon after Herzl published his Zionist pamphlet, William Hechler, a German-Englishman, was at his door. Hechler was a clergyman at the British embassy in Vienna for many years. He was convinced that the restoration of Israel was necessary and imminent; he was enthusiastic about Herzl’s book. And Hechler had good connections. He opened the door for Herzl to several decision-makers in Europe, including an audience with Kaiser Wilhelm II in 1898. Nothing concrete came of it, except that Herzl and his Zionist project gained credibility; after all, he was in contact with makers and shakers of his time.

One more example: Orde Wingate (1903-1944), officer in the British army, arrived in Palestine, then a British Mandate, in 1936. He allied himself with the Zionists against the Arab encroachments, which had increased sharply. From 1938, Wingate was in charge of the newly formed Special Night Squads, which consisted of British and Jews, including Yigal Allon and Moshe Dayan, and fought Arab saboteurs. It was a contribution to the formation of an effective army that was able to fight for Israel’s independence in 1948.

Shaftesbury, Blackstone, Hechler, Orde Wingate. They were only a few. But firstly, it is questionable whether the State of Israel could have come into being without their help and preparatory work. And secondly, in their home countries they were backed by a broad basic swell of sympathy for the idea of Jewish restoration. Multitudes of British and Americans expected such a development and viewed it favourably.

Balfour and the British government in 1917, Harry S. Truman in 1948 (the president who pushed through U.S. recognition of the State of Israel) – they could assume that a significant part of their constituents would receive this step positively, because the idea of restoring the Jews to Israel was so popular.

When the opportunity arises or there is a need, the expectation of restoration can quickly become more – but not always and by no means for everyone. That is why I still think the distinction between restorationism and Christian Zionism is important. But the dividing line is unsharp and flexible, and one can certainly speak of Christian Zionism as early as the 19th century, albeit mainly limited to Great Britain. It was more important than I previously realized.

2. Global Christianity: The Role of the “New” Christians

In my doctoral thesis, I wrote that the movement is international, not just British-American, but I didn’t sufficiently realize the extent of the shift that is taking place.

The vast majority of Christian Zionists now live in the Global South. And they are primarily neo-Pentecostal and not necessarily dispensationalist.

I already mentioned Daniel Hummel and his “new Christian Zionism”. Hummel (2017; 2019: 3, 212ff) refers to a new type of Christian Zionism. It is charismatic, international, and global – not primarily American.

As Hummel points out, this has consequences. Some non-Western countries, such as Brazil and Nigeria, will find it harder to be critical of Israel if large Christian minorities within their borders enthusiastically support Israel.

The new face of Christian Zionism is perhaps most visible in the International Christian Embassy in Jerusalem (ICEJ). Founded in 1980, it has subsidiaries and representatives in over 90 countries. The Dutch played an important role in its foundation. For a long time, the ICEJ was led by Malcolm Hedding, a South African. Now Jürgen Bühler, a German doctor, is president.

For more than 40 years, the ICEJ has been celebrating the Feast of Tabernacles in Jerusalem, an anticipation of what is prophesied in Zechariah 14:16:

Then everyone who survives of all the nations that have come against Jerusalem shall go up year after year to worship the King, the LORD of hosts, and to keep the Feast of Booths.

Several thousand participants from up to 100 nations take part. The highlight of the festival is a march through Jerusalem. The new face of Christian Zionism is neither European nor American; it is international. This video gives a taste of the event:

3. Blessings: A New Prosperity Gospel

In my research, I noticed how often a certain Bible verse was repeated almost mantra-like in relevant publications: Genesis 12:3.

“I will bless those who bless you”. Interestingly, the entire promise in 12:1-3 is addressed to Abraham as an individual; the personal second-person pronouns are in the singular throughout and refer to Abraham. But this is passed over in silence. Not a word. The promise is directly applied to Israel and Jews today. The implicit interpretation (always implicit) is: you refers to the people of Israel; whoever blesses Israel will be blessed (cf. Westbrook 2014: 180f).

Once in the Bible, this statement is indeed made with regard to Israel. In Numbers 24:9b, Bileam states something similar to Genesis 12:3, except that it is said of Israel: “Blessed be he who blesses you, and cursed is he who curses you!” You here is also singular, but it clearly refers to Israel, unlike in Genesis 12. Numbers, however, does not play a role in Christian Zionism.

It astonished me at the time, this consistent presenting of “Whoever blesses Israel will be blessed” as if it were a self-evident fact, although it actually misreads the text.

Back then, I asked the question whether this might not create another gospel in which Israel to a certain extent takes the place of Jesus, a question also asked by Franz Stuhlhofer (1992: 77):

Who is God’s messenger of blessing to the world? Is it Jesus? In the case of Malgo, at least in places, it is Israel! “Israel is God’s mediator of blessing and salvation for this world”.

Christian Zionists will certainly reject this insinuation (another gospel), but: Whoever wants to be blessed, according to Christian Zionism, must bless Israel – sufficient reason to pause and ponder. Statements like these make one wonder:

 In the Jewish question – today the Israel question – all people are challenged. This question of all questions is again about setting a course in human history – about a turning point … Everyone must take a stand on the question of Israel, find his answer before people and God! (Reusch 2003: 13)

All religious systems strive to give meaning to human existence and the existence of the world. In this respect, the apostle Paul offers nothing special in Romans 1-8 and 12-16 [!]. However, with the explanations in Romans 9-11 we come across the fundamental difference between all religious efforts and biblical revelation. (Gerloff 2002: 16)

All of us who are not Jews owe every single important spiritual blessing we have ever inherited to a single people: the Jews. (Prince 1997: 63)

Again, so far so good. However, what I had not seen is that, in conjunction with ethnonationalism, something new is emerging here, a new form of the prosperity gospel.

At this points, we can make sense of Michelle Bolsonaro, her t-shirt, and her Instagram post.

Christian Zionism is now more than just support for Israel. It is a kind of symbiosis, between states and peoples: we support Israel; the blessing flows back to our country. A new identity is emerging that connects Jews and Israel and Christians: We are one! In doing so, the national is not abolished; it remains part of the new identity.

Once more, I turn to Matthew Westbrook; he emphasizes that the national symbols of the Feast of Tabernacles and the Jerusalem March are not just colourful decorations:

The expressions of national sentiment are not secondary to participation in the parade, but the very essence and its raison d’être. (Westbrook 2014: 180) 

The costumes of the participants, who also march together as national groups, are expressions designed not only to “bless” Jewish Israelis, but to generate divine favor for their home nation. (Ibid.: 181)

The participants feel the same way. By the way, when Westbrook was researching, Brazilians were the largest group at the festival, followed by Finland, Germany, and Taiwan. The United States were only in 5^th or 6^th place (ibid.: 192).

Daniel Hummel sees it similarly to Westbrook:

While reliant on Pentecostal and prosperity theology, the new Christian Zionism appeals to non-American Christians because of its promises of practical and material benefits. This is no end-times escapism or even right-wing political ideology. Rather, in the twenty-first century, Israel represents hope for the largest generation of new Christians around the globe. As Israel expands its outreach to Christians into the new global Pentecostalism, we are likely witnessing a key arena in which the future of the Middle East will be decided.

Whatever the geopolitical fortunes of the new Christian Zionism, its existence points to a remarkable shift in the Jewish-Christian relationship. The unifying premise of the contemporary movement – the expectation of divine national blessing that will follow from supporting Israel – is never far from the surface. And much like the fate of Christianity in the twenty-first century, the fate of Christian Zionism will increasingly be decided away from the traditional sources of American Evangelicalism and Western governments. (Hummel 2017; Westbrook takes a similar view; cf. Hummel 2019: 212ff; Durbin 2019: 205f).

I will end with these conclusions: For many Christian Zionists, Israel is more important than end-time theory. And even where eschatology remains important, the motivation for supporting Israel is usually more diverse. Eschatology is not the only factor and is not always important. And if eschatology plays a role, then it is often a different one than that of doomsday scenarios.

In other words, positions on the State of Israel are rooted in eschatological ideas, though often not dispensationalist. Large sections of Christian Zionism are now growing beyond these roots, partly by developing a much more dynamic end-time expectation.

To state this differently, positions on the State of Israel are only in part the result of eschatological choices. And the influence also works in the opposite direction: positions on the State of Israel are now leading to new eschatological choices.

Bibliography

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Unless indicated differently, Scripture quotations are from The Holy Bible, English Standard Version®, copyright © 2001 by Crossway Bibles, a publishing ministry of Good News Publishers. Used by permission. All rights reserved.

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